regional report
To assess the post-independence Eritrean regional reports is good to analyze links, as well as Ethiopia, also with Sudan, especially after the mid-nineties.
For then, relations between the two countries seemed to be quite tight, especially for the support of the Khartoum government provided some jihadi groups, and Eritreans - later - because of summit of Sana'a, which took place between the leaders of Ethiopia, Yemen and Sudan, which is soon to be configured as a true "diplomatic front" containment antieritreo. The meeting in Arabic, in fact, occurred in 2002 between Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir and Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh, indeed a closed system of alliances (only the appearance of economic origin) in many ways hostile to Asmara, which, in turn, had contributed least to encourage. This diplomatic encirclement, in fact, the result was certainly one part of the continued war against Eritrea in Yemen for the Hanish archipelago (not completed until 1998) and the other of supporting Sudanese rebel Eastern Front, in the border region of Kassala, and the government in Khartoum had always responded with the support of the Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement (pointed to by the apparatus of government in Asmara which more responsible for the attacks in the towns of Barentu and Tesseney May 2004).
For then, relations between the two countries seemed to be quite tight, especially for the support of the Khartoum government provided some jihadi groups, and Eritreans - later - because of summit of Sana'a, which took place between the leaders of Ethiopia, Yemen and Sudan, which is soon to be configured as a true "diplomatic front" containment antieritreo. The meeting in Arabic, in fact, occurred in 2002 between Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir and Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh, indeed a closed system of alliances (only the appearance of economic origin) in many ways hostile to Asmara, which, in turn, had contributed least to encourage. This diplomatic encirclement, in fact, the result was certainly one part of the continued war against Eritrea in Yemen for the Hanish archipelago (not completed until 1998) and the other of supporting Sudanese rebel Eastern Front, in the border region of Kassala, and the government in Khartoum had always responded with the support of the Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement (pointed to by the apparatus of government in Asmara which more responsible for the attacks in the towns of Barentu and Tesseney May 2004).
The scenario just described has, however, suffered - particularly in the last two years - a very significant change. This was mainly the product of a reversal of Isaias on relations with Sudan and Yemen. The agreement in Asmara on 14 October 2006, which ended the armed conflict between the rebels of the Eastern Front and the Sudan government in Khartoum, was - in the complex arena of regional Horn of Africa - an undeniable victory Afwerki for diplomacy. The words of appreciation from his counterpart costs Al-Bashir at the last summit of COMESA (Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa) held in Djibouti, "the impeccable mediating role played by negotiations in Asmara and - specifically - to the availability of its president to have contributed actively to the achievement of meetings ", have helped to capitalize on the final exit from the isolation of Eritrea.
Consequently, the "Front of Sana'a" has undergone a significant downsizing, the new course the Eritrean-Sudanese relations have undoubtedly helped to accelerate.
Consequently, the "Front of Sana'a" has undergone a significant downsizing, the new course the Eritrean-Sudanese relations have undoubtedly helped to accelerate.
is undeniable, however, as other factors have indirect militated in favor of Asmara. The current cooling of relations between Addis Ababa and Djibouti, for example, due to the choice of Zenawi to do the port of Djibouti is the only landlocked country - involving them working relationships for the usufruct of Port Sudan - not that a major reversal of this indirect diplomacy. The Minister of Transport and Communications of Ethiopia has recently announced it will join Port Sudan to the Ethiopian town of Moyale through a railway line in order to seriously consider the partial replacement of Djibouti (for the exponential increase in costs required Arab society by management of the port) as a preferred channel outlet on the Red Sea.
Expulsion of Djibouti from Ethiopia, Eritrea and its subsequent approach has also paved the way for dialogue with other countries in the Red Sea, as evidenced by improved relations with Yemen. In December 2004 Afwerki made the first official visit to Sana'a. The changed relationship between the two countries began with the resolution of the International Court in The Hague, following the invasion of the Hanish Islands (located at the mouth of the Red Sea) by Eritrea in 1995. The ruling gave the largest island of the archipelago (Hanish, in fact) to Yemen, while the smaller islands are divided between the contenders, evitando nuovi contrasti in merito allo sfruttamento delle risorse ittiche. Ulteriore testimonianza del rinnovato spirito di cooperazione risulta essere lo scambio di visite dell’estate del 2006 tra il presidente Isaias e la sua controparte yemenita Ali Abdullah Saleh. Durante i colloqui i due leader hanno avuto l’occasione di discutere di molti aspetti legati alle relazioni bilaterali tra i due paesi, rafforzando le prospettive di una futura cooperazione anche in campo economico.
Expulsion of Djibouti from Ethiopia, Eritrea and its subsequent approach has also paved the way for dialogue with other countries in the Red Sea, as evidenced by improved relations with Yemen. In December 2004 Afwerki made the first official visit to Sana'a. The changed relationship between the two countries began with the resolution of the International Court in The Hague, following the invasion of the Hanish Islands (located at the mouth of the Red Sea) by Eritrea in 1995. The ruling gave the largest island of the archipelago (Hanish, in fact) to Yemen, while the smaller islands are divided between the contenders, evitando nuovi contrasti in merito allo sfruttamento delle risorse ittiche. Ulteriore testimonianza del rinnovato spirito di cooperazione risulta essere lo scambio di visite dell’estate del 2006 tra il presidente Isaias e la sua controparte yemenita Ali Abdullah Saleh. Durante i colloqui i due leader hanno avuto l’occasione di discutere di molti aspetti legati alle relazioni bilaterali tra i due paesi, rafforzando le prospettive di una futura cooperazione anche in campo economico.
Il riavvicinamento politico di Asmara verso vicini importanti quali Sudan e Yemen non appare pertanto essere casuale. Inoltre, la giustificazione antietiopica – almeno in questo caso – potrebbe non risultare sufficiente per coglierne totalmente le motivazioni. Non è un mistero, infatti, che Khartoum e Sana’a, oltre a rappresentare due vicini geopoliticamente importanti, sono altresì due paesi produttori di petrolio. Il Sudan soprattutto – grazie anche alla relativa stabilizzazione raggiunta nelle regioni del sud con la firma del CPA (Comprehensive Peace Agreement) del gennaio del 2005 – rappresenta il terzo maggior produttore di petrolio dell’Africa sub-sahariana, alle spalle solo di Nigeria e Angola. Isaias ne è assolutamente consapevole, ed è inoltre cosciente del fatto che il suo paese attualmente attraversa un grave stato di emergenza energetica. I tagli alle forniture elettriche in tutto il territorio eritreo, infatti, rimangono al momento molto frequenti, although the autumn of 2006 (just to coincide with the signing of agreements between the Eastern Front in Asmara and the Government of Sudan, chaired by Al-Bashir), they do not seem to extend to more capital.
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